Lets start with the big guns. Charles Krauthammer: “‘Disproportionate’ in What Moral Universe?”
What other country, when attacked in an unprovoked aggression across a recognized international frontier, is then put on a countdown clock by the world, given a limited time window in which to fight back, regardless of whether it has restored its own security?
What other country sustains 1,500 indiscriminate rocket attacks into its cities — every one designed to kill, maim and terrorize civilians — and is then vilified by the world when it tries to destroy the enemy’s infrastructure and strongholds with precision-guided munitions that sometimes have the unintended but unavoidable consequence of collateral civilian death and suffering?
To hear the world pass judgment on the Israel-Hezbollah war as it unfolds is to live in an Orwellian moral universe. With a few significant exceptions (the leadership of the United States, Britain, Australia, Canada and a very few others), the world — governments, the media, U.N. bureaucrats — has completely lost its moral bearings.
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Israel’s response to Hezbollah has been to use the most precise weaponry and targeting it can. It has no interest, no desire to kill Lebanese civilians. Does anyone imagine that it could not have leveled south Lebanon, to say nothing of Beirut? Instead, in the bitter fight against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, it has repeatedly dropped leaflets, issued warnings, sent messages by radio and even phone text to Lebanese villagers to evacuate so that they would not be harmed.
Israel knows that these leaflets and warnings give the Hezbollah fighters time to escape and regroup. The advance notification as to where the next attack is coming has allowed Hezbollah to set up elaborate ambushes. The result? Unexpectedly high Israeli infantry casualties. Moral scrupulousness paid in blood. Israeli soldiers die so that Lebanese civilians will not, and who does the international community condemn for disregarding civilian life?
The first and only reasonable case I have heard for a full-scale cease-fire (not the pretend one in force right now). Trudy Rubin: “Bush out of touch with Mideast vision”
“”My intent is not to defame democracy but to challenge the White House outlook. To paraphrase Donald Rumsfeld, we have to deal with the Middle East we have, not the Middle East we want.
Nowhere is this truer than in Lebanon. The Beirut government of Prime Minister Fuad Saniora was the White House’s poster child for regional transformation. Huge crowds turned out in Beirut for the “Cedar Revolution.”
But followers of Lebanon’s leading democratic political group, the Future Movement, led by the son of assassinated former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri, now say they feel betrayed by the Bush White House. They want Hezbollah disarmed and want Lebanon to exert sovereignty over its south. They say the time is ripe for the Saniora government to demand that Hezbollah stand its militia down, but they warn that the government will collapse unless a cease-fire comes soon. They ask what Washington’s backing is worth if Bush permits the continued destruction of their country.
The Bush administration, however, sees Lebanon in a broader context of Middle East “transformation.” It hopes for an Israeli knockout blow against Hezbollah militias that will send a powerful message to the group’s Iranian backers. That view ignores internal Lebanese dynamics that won’t permit the destruction of Hezbollah.”
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No one strategy fits all in the region. Dealing with Hamas requires a focus on the Israel-Palestinian issue, while dealing with Hezbollah requires a focus on Lebanese politics. Unless we confront the Middle East that is, not the vision cooked up by the ill-informed, the regional situation will worsen. And more victories in this “new Middle East” will go to the Islamists, not to democrats.
And then there is the case against. And damn, I think the nays have me. David Brooks: “Cease-Fire to Nowhere”.
If Hezbollah emerges from this moment still strong, it will tower like a giant over the Lebanese government.
There are victory markers strewn across southern Lebanon commemorating the last time Israel withdrew from that land. While reporting a piece for The New Yorker a few years ago, Jeffrey Goldberg would come upon them by the roads. It was like seeing the battle markers at Gettysburg or Antietam, he wrote.
One brightly colored sign, written in both Arabic and (rough) English, marked the spot where “On Oct. 19, 1988 at 1:25 p.m. a martyr car that was body trapped with 500 kilograms of highly exploding materials transformed two Israeli troops into masses of fire and limbs.”
Busloads of tourists would take victory tours and stop at the prominent sights. Before the current war, there were gift shops and, in at least one place, a poster showing a Hezbollah fighter lifting a severed Israeli head. It all testified to the magnetism of a successful idea: that Muslim greatness can be restored through terrorism.
Some people believe that terrorists are driven by desperation, but if you read the statements by Sheik Hassan Nasrallah and other Hezbollah leaders, it’s obvious that their movement has been inspired by opportunity and nourished by success. And the big news last week was that most of the world is calling for an immediate Lebanese cease-fire and another Israeli withdrawal.
If that happens, Nasrallah will be able to build another chain of victory markers. There will be a missile- launcher monument in Tyre. There will be a terror gift shop in Maroun al-Ras. Hell, he’ll probably build a suicide-bomber theme park in Bint Jbail.
Nasrallah himself will become a legend, and teens across the region will be electrified by his glory.
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They point to real risks, but if a cease-fire is imposed now, there won’t be only risks. There will be dead certainties. If Hezbollah emerges from this moment still strong, it will tower like a giant over the Lebanese government. Extremist groups around the world will be swamped with recruits. Iran’s prestige will surge. The defenders of nation states and the sponsors of Resolution 1559 will be humiliated. Israel’s deterrence power will be shattered.
It is dead certain that this cease-fire will not last, any more than the cease-fires of ‘78 or ‘93 or ‘96 lasted. And most important, the idea — that the Muslim renaissance will come through terror — will dominate the sky like the bright summer sun.
That idea is the key to the whole string of crises in this decade of jihad. Lebanon is a chance to show that the death cult is not invincible.
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The U.S. lacks authority because of Iraq. Over the past few days, Israel has grown wary of getting into Lebanon, because it might have no help getting out. The Europeans, being the Europeans, are again squandering a chance to play a big role in world affairs. The “moderate” Arabs are finding that if you spend a generation inciting hatred of Israel you will wind up prisoner to groups who hate Israel more than you do. The U.N. is simply feckless.
The U.S. is right to resist the calls for a quick-fix cease-fire. But when you step back, you see once again the power of ideas. The terrorists are more unified by their ideas than we in the civilized world are unified by ours.
Mark Steyn picks up precisely where Brooks left off and lays his finger on the pulse of Western civilisation like only he can: Professionalization of war is ghettoization of war”
We live in an age of inversely proportional deterrence: The more militarily powerful a civilized nation is, the less its enemies have to fear the full force of that power ever being unleashed. They know America and other Western powers fight under the most stringent self-imposed etiquette. Overwhelming force is one thing; overwhelming force behaving underwhelmingly as a matter of policy is quite another.
So even the most powerful military in the world is subject to broader cultural constraints. When Kathryn Lopez’s e-mailer sneers that “your contribution to this war is limited solely to your ability to exercise the skillset provided by your liberal arts education,” he’s accidentally put his finger on the great imponderable: whether the skill set provided by the typical American, British and European education these last 30 years is now one of the biggest obstacles to civilizational self-preservation. A nation that psychologically outsources war to a small career soldiery risks losing its ability even to grasp concepts like “the enemy”: The professionalization of war is also the ghettoization of war. As John Podhoretz wondered in the New York Post the other day: “What if liberal democracies have now evolved to a point where they can no longer wage war effectively because they have achieved a level of humanitarian concern for others that dwarfs any really cold-eyed pursuit of their own national interests?”
That’s a good question. If you watch the grisly U.S. network coverage of any global sporting event, you’ve no doubt who your team’s meant to be: If there are plucky Belgian hurdlers or Fijian shotputters in the Olympics, you never hear a word of them on ABC and NBC; it’s all heartwarming soft-focus profiles of athletes from Indiana and Nebraska. The American media have no problem being ferociously jingoistic when it comes to the two-man luge. Yet, when it’s a war, there is no “our” team, not on American TV. Like snotty French ice-dancing judges, the media watch the U.S. skate across the rink and then hand out a succession of snippy 4.3s — for lack of Miranda rights in Fallujah, insufficient menu options at Gitmo.
Our enemies understand “why we fight” and where the fight is. They know that in the greater scheme of things the mosques of Jakarta and Amsterdam and Toronto and Dearborn are more important territory than the Sunni Triangle. The U.S. military is the best-equipped and best-trained in the world. But it’s not enough, it never has been and it never will be.
Alan Caruba takes liberals to task on their wilful intellectual impotence in the face of adversity: “No Liberals in My Foxhole!”
Now we get to the most liberal notion of all. “The Israeli campaign is so intense and widespread that it is creating more terrorists than it kills.” This is pretty much the same argument made for U.S. military withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan. It is a liberal article of faith that if only the Israelis or Americans would just stop existing, there would not be a problem with Islamic terrorism.
No. The misnamed “War on Terror” is, in fact, a war against Islamic fundamentalism and the silent consent of more than a billion Muslims who believe that Islam must rule the world and that the five billion Jews, Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and other faiths have no right to exist except as Muslims.
The problem is not Israel and is not the United States. The problem is a new world war that must be fought to protect all the freedoms; the scientific and artistic advances of Western civilization.
Charles Moore turns the blowtorch on the liberal imbecility of the European variety:” The tall story we Europeans now tell ourselves about Israel”
You could criticise Israel’s recent attack for many things. Some argue that it is disproportionate, or too indiscriminate. Others think that it is ill-planned militarily. Others hold that it will give more power to extremists in the Arab world, and will hamper a wider peace settlement. These are all reasonable, though not necessarily correct positions to hold. But European discourse on the subject seems to have been overwhelmed by something else – a narrative, told most powerfully by the way television pictures are selected, that makes Israel out as a senseless, imperialist, mass-murdering, racist bully.
Not only is this analysis wrong – if the Israelis are such imperialists, why did they withdraw from Lebanon for six years, only returning when threatened once again? How many genocidal regimes do you know that have a free press and free elections? – it is also morally imbecilic. It makes no distinction between the tough, sometimes nasty things all countries do when hard-pressed and the profoundly evil intent of some ideologies and regimes. It says nothing about the fanaticism and the immediacy of the threat to Israel. Sir Peter has somehow managed to live on this planet for 75 years without spotting the difference between what Israel is doing in Lebanon and “unlimited war”.
As well as being morally imbecilic, this narrative is the enemy of all efforts to understand what is actually going on in the Middle East. It is so lazy.
Joe Mariani delivers the knockout blow in the very first paragraph. Nice. : Opportunity Knocks in the Middle East”
Why are so many on the Left condemning Israel for a “disproportionate response” to attacks by Hamas and Hizballah? Is there a better way to defeat an enemy when it comes down to combat? After all, the object of war is not to play “tit for tat” games with the enemy, but to beat him.
It’s just another symptom of Leftist insanity that they believe the stronger combatant should be handicapped to make things “fair”… especially when the weaker force started the fight, and deliberately murders civilians as standard operating procedure. Did Patton leave men behind to make battles with the German army more “fair” during his push across Europe?
Of course, one has to wonder whether we’d hear the same rhetoric about fighting fair if Israel were among the weakest of Middle Eastern countries, instead of being one of the strongest. The prevalence of anti-Israel rhetoric among the Left seems to indicate that most Liberals wouldn’t shed a tear over the fate of an occupied — or destroyed — Israel.
The Israelis did everything they reasonably could to purchase peace with their enemies. They withdrew from southern Lebanon in 2000. Hizballah, Iran’s sock puppet army, used their claim that they had driven Israel out to win political power. Israelis even uprooted their own people and withdrew from Gaza in 2005. Hamas, an offshoot of the same Muslim Brotherhood that spawned al Qaeda, turned the claim that they had forced Israel to leave into a part of their own winning campaign platform. Instead of peace, all Israel got was Hamas firing Qassam rockets from one direction and Hizballah firing Iranian Katyushas from the other. Finally, both Hamas and Hizballah began conducting raids right into Israel itself. What could the Israelis do, if not fight back? No one who condemns Israel’s response seems to offer a reasonable alternative.
This fight was never about land, occupation or peace, as the world should finally be able to see. This has always been about the destruction of Israel, pure and simple. Israel’s enemies chose this fight. There is no “proportional response” to the threat of a nation’s utter destruction.
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Victor Davis Hanson gets us up to speed with the brand spanking new “Vocabulary of Untruth”
Civilians” in Lebanon have munitions in their basements and deliberately wish to draw fire; in Israel they are in bunkers to avoid it. Israel uses precision weapons to avoid hitting them; Hezbollah sends random missiles into Israel to ensure they are struck.
“Collateral damage” refers mostly to casualties among Hezbollah’s human shields; it can never be used to describe civilian deaths inside Israel, because everything there is by intent a target.
“Disproportionate” means that the Hezbollah aggressors whose primitive rockets can’t kill very many Israeli civilians are losing, while the Israelis’ sophisticated response is deadly against the combatants themselves. See “excessive.”
Anytime you hear the adjective “excessive,” Hezbollah is losing. Anytime you don’t, it isn’t.
“Grave concern” is used by Europeans and Arabs who privately concede there is no future for Lebanon unless Hezbollah is destroyed — and it should preferably be done by the “Zionists” who can then be easily blamed for doing it.
Andrew McCarthy draws attention to the elephant in the room ones again: “Not Terrorism Related, and Certainly Not Islam Related”
A Muslim man walks into not just any building in Seattle — not even just any identifiably Jewish location in Seattle — but into the Jewish Federation of Greater Seattle, whose mission since 1926, according to the website it maintains, is to “ensure Jewish survival and to enhance the quality of Jewish life locally, in Israel and worldwide.”
The Muslim man has obviously not only carefully chosen the target but cased the place. There’s a security system, so he waits until someone attached to the Federation enters using her access code, then he pounces, forcing his way through the open door. He brandishes a large caliber, semi-automatic handgun. He announces that he’s a Muslim angry at Israel. Then he randomly, wantonly opens fire — shooting six women, one of whom is pregnant, one of whom is killed.
So what happens? The police don’t even want to admit that he’s Muslim (“You could infer that,” the police chief tells the reporters who press this patently relevant question). And the FBI insists it’s not terrorism.
Now, it could not conceivably be more clear that it is terrorism.
Struan Stevenson on the problem behind the problems: “Recalling history’s lessons”
Spanish-American political philosopher George Santayana famously said, “Those who fail to learn the lessons of history are destined to repeat them.” Current events in Iran indicate we had better prepare ourselves for some sharp history lessons. As the brutal, fascist regime tightens its grip in the Middle East, the parallels with the rise of Nazi Germany are menacing.
Under the tyrannical rule of Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, 120,000 opponents have been executed since the overthrow of the shah 27 years ago. Women — even pregnant women — are hanged from cranes in city squares or stoned to death. Offenders are regularly flogged in public. Convicts have their limbs amputated or eyes gouged out. In August 2004, a 16-year-old girl was publicly hanged from a crane in northern Iran for “acts incompatible with chastity.”
The similarities with Adolf Hitler’s Nazis don’t end there. Since President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad took office last year, public executions continue at about three daily. Like Hitler, Mr. Ahmadinejad hates minorities. Young homosexuals are routinely flogged in public before they are hanged. Millions of Kurds, Baluchis, Turkmenis, Arabs and Azeris and many other ethnic groups, face daily discrimination and humiliation.
This same man, who has called the Holocaust “a myth” and said Israel should be “wiped off the map,” has a hatred of Jews that would have gratified Heinrich Himmler. His suggestion Israel could be moved to Alaska or Europe mirrors the ideas promoted in “Mein Kampf” by Hitler, who recommended transporting all Jews to Madagascar or Borneo.
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Michael Slackman notes that Iran is more than a little worried just about now: “Iran hangs in suspense as war offers new strength, and sudden weakness”:
These should be heady days for Iran’s leaders. Hezbollah, widely regarded as its proxy force in Lebanon, continues to rain down rockets on Israel despite 17 days of punishing airstrikes. Hezbollah’s leader is a hero of the Arab world, and Iran is basking in the reflected glory.
Yet this capital is unusually tense. Officials, former officials and analysts say that it is too dangerous even to discuss the crisis. In newspapers, the slightest questioning of support for Hezbollah has been attacked as unpatriotic, pro-Zionist and anti-Islamic.
As the war in Lebanon grinds on, Iranian officials cannot seem to decide whether Iran will emerge stronger — or unexpectedly weakened.
They are increasingly confident of an ideological triumph. But they also believe the war itself has already harmed Hezbollah’s strength as a military deterrent for Iran on the Israeli border.
And foreign policy experts and former government officials said that Iran had come to view Israel’s attack on Lebanon as a proxy offensive. They now view the war as the new front line in the decades-old conflict with Washington.
“They are worried that what’s happened in Lebanon to Hezbollah is the United States’ revenge against Iran,” said Hamidreza Jalaipour, a sociologist and former government official. “The way they are attacking them and fighting against them is like waging a war against Iran.”
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And finally, a word from the Left. Martin Bright: “Right showing left the way on radical Islam”
It’s fascism by any other name and it’s time that all political factions joined forces to fight it
I am being feted by the right. As the political editor of the New Statesman and usually written off by conservative thinkers as a dangerous, pinko liberal, this is a novel and rather awkward position in which to find myself.
Two weeks ago, Channel 4 screened a programme I presented concerning Whitehall’s love affair with radical Islam. It was based on a stream of Foreign Office leaks first published in The Observer and the New Statesman which showed that mandarins were prepared to open lines of communication with organisations such Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. Since then, the right-wing plaudits for my work keep coming in, not just in this country but from America, too, where none other than David Frum, the neoconservative Bush adviser credited with coining ‘axis of evil’, has begun quoting my work approvingly. Neocon journal American Thinker ran a 2,500-word analysis of my findings. While any attention is always welcome, these offers of solidarity are also a challenge.
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It is depressing that so few on the left have been prepared to engage with the issue of the Foreign Office appeasement of radical Islam except to minimise its significance. In contrast, the responses on the right have been largely measured. Moore, for instance, fitted the Foreign Office’s search for radical figures it could do business with, such as Muslim Brotherhood’s spiritual head, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, into a wider historical perspective. In the 1930s, we adopted a similar strategy with the Mufti of Jerusalem to ‘deliver’ Muslim opinion. The Mufti went on to support the Nazis.
Meanwhile, Johnson identified the British left’s troubling ability to celebrate oppressive ideologies. ‘Some of us distinctly non-leftists have been worried about the growing signs that certain Western leftists have embraced militant Islam as they embraced Jacobinism and Stalinism: as a powerful force against the Western bourgeoisie and as a source of support among the British masses,’ he said. But he also saw that there was another tendency on the left which recognised the totalitarian tendency within Islamism: ‘Many leftists see militant Islam as destructive of the European rationalism in which the left has its true roots.’
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While this situation remains, there is no shame for those on the left opposed to the rise of radical Islam to build alliances with conservatives prepared to call fascism by its real name.




